Only three weeks later, the White House announced that American officials, though not athletes, would boycott the Winter Olympics that open in Beijing in February. It was a diplomatic snub that officials in China angrily vowed to avenge. Australia followed the American lead, and several others have signaled that they would find ways to protest China’s human rights abuses, casting a show on an event officials hoped would be a showcase of the country’s international standing. China and the United States are locked in an increasingly intense rivalry when it comes to national security and economic competition, with American leaders frequently identifying China as their greatest long-term challenger. The United States has long been critical of China on human rights issues, and U.S. labor groups have persistently complained about poor working conditions in China. These concerns have resurfaced on the trade agenda in recent years with reports of forced labor in Xinjiang, where China is repressing millions of Uyghurs.

  1. On the other hand, with international terrorist networks and intense regional rivalry in the Middle East, it is impractical to discuss peace and security without addressing terrorism and the arms race in the region.
  2. And more specifically, how Canada can utilize its policy instruments to more effectively deal with the increasing influx of refugees from the Middle East.
  3. No issue is thornier in U.S.-China relations than Taiwan, which Beijing believes it has a right to rule and the United States has long provided defensive aid to.
  4. However, serious obstacles remain for responsible actors in expanding non-proliferation efforts toward a nuclear-free zone in the Middle East.

The United States—and the rest of the world—may have more leverage over Beijing’s behavior than they realize, despite the heated rhetoric emerging from Chinese media and diplomats. The summit attempted to put a floor on a conflict that threatens to spiral out of control and see if there was enough space for both sides to accept power limits and find room for compromise. It’s not clear whether that’s possible or whether U.S. and Chinese ambitions are fundamentally incompatible. Two weeks after the virtual summit between Chinese President Xi Jinping and U.S. President Joe Biden, many have dismissed the meeting as just a photo opportunity. But in fact, it was a serious effort, months in the making, by both sides to try to halt the dangerous downward spiral toward conflict.

China Is Radically Expanding Its Nuclear Missile Silos

Still more imperative is a need to begin addressing nuclear risks posed by technologies, such as offensive cyber and anti-space weapons that could take out nuclear command centers and control or blind satellites. These issues and the hypersonic missile arms race are new mutual vulnerabilities that may threaten crisis stability. It will not be easy or quick to mitigate these risks, but China’s possible willingness to begin serious talks in these areas as well as the rest of the Biden-Xi summit menu are the metrics to determine if a framework for managing a competitive coexistence is possible. On trade more broadly, it will require more U.S. pressure to alter Beijing’s protectionist trade policies. The United States, European Union, and Japan are discussing industrial subsidies, and if a common position is reached, that could aid World Trade Organization reform and put pressure on China to curb and be transparent on its massive subsidies.

Think Global Health

With U.S. and Chinese maritime and air forces operating in dangerous proximity to each other, there is pressing need for new arrangements so operators can better communicate to prevent incidental clashes that could escalate. Both sides could take reciprocal steps to reduce the games of chicken being played in the East and South China Seas as well as in waters and airspace around Taiwan. A combination of U.S.-China rivalry and China’s national security goals is driving Beijing to take a more assertive approach to the governance of international common spaces — from outer space to cyberspace. China’s leaders believe the world has transitioned from the Industrial Age to the Information Age. Consequently, Beijing sees the ability to generate, move, analyze and exploit information more rapidly and more accurately as the new currency of international power.

Yet China’s predatory industrial policies, cyberhacking, economic coercion, and efforts to bend international institutions to its preferences have all exacerbated geoeconomic competition. This parallels Beijing’s revisionism and aggressive military activities in the East and South China Seas as well as its intimidation of Taiwan with hundreds of sorties of fighter planes and bombers. More recently, China threatened Indonesia to stop exploring for oil and gas in its own maritime territory based on Beijing’s false territorial claims there.

No issue is thornier in U.S.-China relations than Taiwan, which Beijing believes it has a right to rule and the United States has long provided defensive aid to. This year, the presence of U.S. troops in small numbers on the island involved in training Taiwanese forces was highlighted by both Western and Chinese media. But as Jack Detsch and Zinya Salfiti of Foreign Policy note, U.S. troops have been present for decades, preparing the Taiwanese military to help fight off, or at least delay, a Chinese invasion through a “porcupine” strategy.

China’s demographic and economic woes may catch up with it in the future—and the Chinese Communist Party knows it has only a short time to make the greatest use of its power, argue experts Andrew S. Erickson and Gabriel B. Collins. One of Washington’s biggest worries this year has been China’s dramatic expansion of its nuclear-missile systems, as revealed through satellite imagery. China looks to have grown its arsenal by as many as another 100 intercontinental ballistic missiles (ICBMs) or more. That would still leave it with a far smaller nuclear stockpile than the United States or Russia has, but it’s still disturbing—especially given that there have been hints that China might abandon its “no-first-use” approach that minimizes the possibility of nuclear escalation. A curation of original analyses, data visualizations, and commentaries, examining the debates and efforts to improve health worldwide. This text may not be in its final form and may be updated or revised in the future.

China Brief

Since 2001, China’s economy has grown more than five-fold, adjusted for inflation, and it is now the world’s second largest, behind only the United States. (By some measures, it is the largest.) Hundreds of millions of people have escaped extreme poverty as a result of this growth. Combined with fears of looming conflict, this predicament may help explain Xi’s interest in the recent summit, perhaps creating possibilities for altering some of Beijing’s policies.

While it is not clear whether all these issues were discussed, we do know that among those covered were human rights, Xinjiang, Hong Kong and the South China Sea, as well as Taiwan. This panel will investigate the trade and investment opportunities in the Middle East, discuss how facilitating economic engagement with the region can benefit Canadian and American national interests, and explore relevant policy prescriptions. This panel will discuss how Western powers and multilateral institutions, such as the IAEA, can play a more effective role in managing non-proliferation efforts in the Middle East. The Institute for Peace & Diplomacy (IPD) has launched a timely series in June 2021 to examine the current landscape of U.S. The United States has attempted to address its trade concerns with China through a mixture of negotiation, disputes at the WTO, heightened investment scrutiny, tariffs, and its own industrial policy.

In this evolving landscape, Western powers will be compelled to redefine their strategic priorities and adjust their policies with the new realities in the region. In this panel, we will discuss how the West, including the United States and its allies, can utilize multilateral diplomacy with its adversaries to prevent military escalation in the region. Most importantly, the panel will discuss if a multilateral security dialogue in the Persian Gulf region, proposed by some regional actors, can help reduce tensions among regional foes and produce sustainable peace and development for the region. Though U.S. consumers benefited from the flood of cheaper goods from China, millions of Americans lost their jobs due to import competition.

Yes, there’s been some decoupling by both sides on sensitive tech trade, U.S. firms diversifying supply chains and near-shoring, and China delisting firms from U.S. exchanges as well as applying retaliatory tariffs. Chamber of Commerce poll, while firms are scaling back China operations, 71 percent of firms have no plans to leave. A virtual summit in November between President Biden and China’s top leader, Xi Jinping, produced no breakthrough steps toward better relations. Instead, both sides reiterated points of longstanding contention, agreeing only on the need to prevent competition from escalating into broader conflict. As Treasury Secretary Janet L. Yellen meets with top Chinese officials in Beijing this week, her challenge will be to navigate this multifaceted relationship, which ranges from conflict to cooperation.

Some experts argue that these subsidies are wasteful, but they can be disruptive to other countries whose companies cannot compete against such levels of state support. The United States argues that many Chinese state-owned enterprises are effectively arms of the government and, unlike their private competitors, do not make decisions based on market forces. Finally, on the existential question of strategic stability, the asymmetry of some 3,750 U.S. nuclear weapons to China’s roughly 350 weapons have long precluded arms reduction deals. But on more urgent issues of new risk reduction measures, the upcoming, top-level military-to-military talks will be a test of Beijing’s seriousness.

The United States has long accused China of pressuring American companies to hand over their technology, or pilfering it outright. The optimism that accompanied China’s entry into the World Trade Organization (WTO) twenty years ago vanished as Beijing embraced state-led development, pouring subsidies into targeted industries to the detriment of U.S. and foreign best js framework for net mvc developer companies. Meanwhile, investment by Chinese companies has raised national security concerns. As U.S. President Joe Biden embraces an increasingly aggressive approach, the future of the economic relationship is uncertain. Biden’s willingness to continue economic escalation against China has raised questions about the future of the trade relationship.

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